Myanmar Junta Boss Says Military Will Remain in Politics Until EAOs ‘Disappear’

缅媒：缅甸军政府领导人称军方将继续参与政治，直到eao“消失”

作者：伊洛瓦底江        来源：伊洛瓦底江

Despite the upcoming election, which the generals hope will grant the junta a veneer of legitimacy, regime boss Min Aung Hlaing said the Myanmar military will “continue to play a leading role in politics until ethnic armed groups (EAOs) no longer exist.”

尽管即将举行的选举，将军们希望这将赋予军政府合法性的表象，但军政府领导人敏昂莱表示，缅甸军方将“继续在政治中发挥主导作用，直到少数民族武装组织（eao）不复存在。”

Myanmar junta chief Min Aung Hlaing arrives to deliver a speech during a ceremony to mark the country's Armed Forces Day in Naypyitaw on March 27, 2024. / AFP

2024年3月27日，缅甸军政府主席敏昂莱在内比都举行的国家武装节纪念仪式上发表讲话。/法新社

Speaking to officials, their families and cadets in Pyin Oo Lwin—home to the junta’s elite military academies—on Saturday, Min Aung Hlaing said the military would consider gradually reducing its presence in the parliament until the day comes when EAOs no longer exist.

敏昂莱（Min Aung Hlaing）上周六在军政府精英军事院校所在地彬乌伦（Pyin Oo lyun）对官员、他们的家人和学员发表讲话时说，军方将考虑逐步减少其在议会中的席位，直到eao不复存在的那一天。

In recent weeks, the coup leader has been busy attending military graduation ceremonies and meeting civil servants and police officers, using the opportunity to urge voters to support candidates with “defense-minded views” and who are “aligned” with the military, which he described as the country’s “strongest institution.”

最近几周，这位政变领导人一直忙于参加军队毕业典礼，并与公务员和警察会面，利用这个机会敦促选民支持那些持“国防思想”、与军方“结盟”的候选人。他称军方是该国“最强大的机构”。

Min Aung Hlaing also repeated his familiar refrain: EAOs and People’s Defense Forces should lay down their weapons, since seven decades of armed struggle have produced “no results.” Yet in the same breath, he insists the military will never leave politics.

敏昂莱还重复了他那句熟悉的话：eao和人民国防军应该放下武器，因为70年的武装斗争“没有结果”。但同时，他坚称军队永远不会脱离政治。

Colonel Naw Bu, spokesperson for the Kachin Independence Army, told The Irrawaddy that Min Aung Hlaing’s message boils down to one thing: disarmament. “He talks about peace, but it always means surrendering arms. And if the military only reduces its role when resistance disappears, then Myanmar’s politics will never be democratic—it’s just a way to prolong the military dictatorship,” he said.

克钦独立军发言人诺布上校对《伊洛瓦底报》说，敏昂莱传达的信息可以归结为一件事：解除武装。“他谈论和平，但这总是意味着放弃武器。如果军方只是在抵抗消失后才减少自己的作用，那么缅甸的政治永远不会是民主的，这只是延长军事独裁统治的一种方式。”

The 2008 Constitution, drafted under the previous military regime, enshrines the military’s “leading role” in national politics, reaffirms its duty to safeguard the “Three Main National Causes,” and even grants the commander?in?chief the right to appoint military MPs and seize power. Min Aung Hlaing himself cited the 2008 Constitution in staging a coup and seizing power from a democratically elected government in 2021. Three Main National Causes are: Non-disintegration of the Union, non-disintegration of national solidarity, and perpetuation of sovereignty.

在前军政府时期起草的2008年宪法，将军队在国家政治中的“领导作用”置于神圣地位，重申了军队维护“国家三大事业”的责任，甚至赋予总司令任命军方议员和夺取政权的权利。敏昂莱本人在2021年发动政变并从民选政府手中夺取政权时引用了2008年宪法。三个主要的国家原因是：联邦不解体，民族团结不解体，主权永存。

Observers note that as long as this constitution remains untouched, elections—whether staged in phases or otherwise—will always include a permanent bloc of uniformed representatives. The constitution reserves 25 percent of parliamentary seats for Myanmar military.

观察家们注意到，只要这部宪法不受影响，选举——无论是分阶段进行还是以其他方式进行——将永远包括一个穿制服的代表组成的永久集团。宪法为缅甸军方保留了25%的议会席位。

The Myanmar military strongly resisted efforts to reduce its presence in the legislature under both Thein Sein’s quasi-civilian government and the National League for Democracy government.

在吴登盛的准文官政府和全国民主联盟（National League for Democracy）政府的领导下，缅甸军方都强烈反对减少军方在立法机构中的存在。

After more than 70 years of civil war and the rise of new resistance forces after the 2021 putsch, Min Aung Hlaing’s promise to “gradually withdraw” from politics rings hollow to Myanmar people.

经过70多年的内战和2021年政变后新的抵抗力量的崛起，敏昂莱“逐渐退出”政治的承诺对缅甸人民来说是空洞的。

Analysts note that after the upcoming election, parliament will be dominated by the junta’s proxy Union Solidarity and Development Party alongside military appointees. With no major democratic parties left to challenge them, there will be no one inside the chamber to argue for the army’s exit from politics.

分析人士指出，在即将举行的选举之后，议会将由军政府的代理政党联邦巩固与发展党以及军方任命的官员主导。由于没有主要的民主党派来挑战他们，议会中将没有人主张军队退出政治。

Min Aung Hlaing’s remark comes as the junta enjoys increasing financial and military aid from its two major allies and arms suppliers, China and Russia, which have enabled it to reverse battlefield losses.

敏昂莱发表上述言论之际，缅甸军政府正从其两个主要盟友和武器供应国中国和俄罗斯获得越来越多的财政和军事援助，这些援助使缅甸军政府得以扭转战场上的损失。

In Myanmar, successive generals have loudly professed their desire for peace and prosperity—yet in reality, only they and their families have prospered, amassing more and more wealth while the nation languished.

在缅甸，历任将军都大声宣称他们渴望和平与繁荣——但实际上，只有他们和他们的家族繁荣起来，在国家衰败的时候积累了越来越多的财富。

Myanmar was regarded as one of Asia’s most promising economies after the country’s independence in 1948. But General Ne Win’s seizure of power in 1962 turned the country upside down. Decades of mismanagement under Ne Win dragged Myanmar down, and by 1987 it had fallen onto the list of the world’s least?developed countries.

1948年独立后，缅甸被视为亚洲最有前途的经济体之一。但奈温将军1962年夺取政权后，这个国家发生了翻天覆地的变化。奈温领导下数十年的管理不善拖累了缅甸，到1987年，缅甸已跻身世界最不发达国家之列。

Although Ne Win was forced to step down by the 1988 pro?democracy uprising, the generals retained control. What have decades of military rule brought for Myanmar’s people? Only widespread human rights abuses, entrenched corruption and the collapse of education, healthcare, and the economy.

虽然奈温在1988年的民主起义中被迫下台，但将军们仍然控制着国家。几十年的军事统治给缅甸人民带来了什么？只有普遍的侵犯人权行为、根深蒂固的腐败以及教育、医疗和经济的崩溃。

Ne Win’s successor Than Shwe entrenched military dominance by drafting the 2008 Constitution, which guaranteed the army a leading role in national politics. He then handed power to former General Thein Sein after the 2010 election.

奈温的继任者丹瑞（Than Shwe）通过起草2008年宪法巩固了军队的统治地位，该宪法保证了军队在国家政治中的主导地位。2010年大选后，他将权力交给了前将军吴登盛。

After the National League for Democracy won consecutive landslides in 2015 and 2020, Than Shwe’s successor, Min Aung Hlaing, staged a coup in 2021. Since then, Myanmar has faced international sanctions, an exodus of foreign investment, rising unemployment, soaring prices and intensifying civil war—conditions that analysts say have further exacerbated the dire conditions and pushed the country toward failed?state status.

在全国民主联盟（National League for Democracy）在2015年和2020年连续赢得压倒性胜利后，丹瑞的继任者敏昂莱（Min Aung Hlaing）在2021年发动了政变。从那以后，缅甸面临着国际制裁、外国投资外流、失业率上升、物价飙升和内战加剧——分析人士说，这些因素进一步加剧了缅甸的悲惨处境，并将该国推向了失败国家的境地。

Australia’s Lowy Institute ranks Myanmar as a “Minor Power” in its Asia Power Index and labels the country the “Sick Man of Asia.” Even in this dire context, junta chief Min Aung Hlaing insists the military will continue to play a leading role in national politics, while channeling the bulk of state resources into defense spending.

澳大利亚洛伊研究所（Lowy Institute）在其亚洲强国指数中将缅甸列为“次要强国”，并将其列为“亚洲病夫”。即使在这种可怕的背景下，军政府领导人敏昂莱（Min Aung Hlaing）坚持认为，军队将继续在国家政治中发挥主导作用，同时将大部分国家资源用于国防开支。

作者：伊洛瓦底江        来源：伊洛瓦底江