Chinese Investment Reshapes Myanmar’s N. Shan as MNDAA Consolidates Power

缅媒：随着MNDAA巩固权力，中国投资重塑缅甸掸邦

作者：Athena Awn Naw         来源：伊洛瓦底江

Vehicles approach a security checkpoint along National Highway 3 near Muse in Myanmar’s northern Shan State in October 2024. / AFP

2024年10月，车辆驶近缅甸北部掸邦木姐附近的3号国道安全检查站。/法新社

The Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA)’s capture of Hsenwi in northern Shan State during Operation 1027 in 2023 triggered an unprecedented wave of Chinese investment across northern Shan State. As new construction projects—among other types of business—and land leases flourish, local residents fear they are being economically displaced and politically silenced.

缅甸民族民主同盟军（MNDAA）在2023年的1027行动中占领了掸邦北部的木邦（编者注：木邦土司，传统就是果敢的领土），引发了掸邦北部前所未有的中国投资浪潮。随着新的建设项目——以及其他类型的商业和土地租赁的蓬勃发展，当地居民担心他们在经济上被取代，在政治上被噤声。

In both Hsenwi and Laukkai, the capital of  the MNDAA-controlled Kokang region near the Chinese border, the MNDAA has actively courted Chinese capital, offering long-term land leases and market redevelopment contracts. It is even offering foreign investors permanent residency in its “Special Region 1”, as the MNDAA cumulatively refers to the territories  it controls. The result has been a rapid transformation of the region’s economic and demographic landscape.

在缅甸民族民主同盟军控制的果敢（Kokang）地区首府老街（Laukkai），同盟军一直在积极吸引中国资本，提供长期土地租赁和市场重建合同。甚至向外国投资者提供其“缅甸第一特区”的永久居留权，因为属于MNDAA控制的领土。其结果是该地区的经济和人口格局发生了迅速变化。

Composed primarily of Han Chinese from the Kokang region of northern Shan State, the MNDAA, or Kokang Army, is a key member of the Brotherhood Alliance of three ethnic armed groups, which launched a major anti-regime offensive in 2023 and 2024 that succeeded in seizing a large swathe of northern Shan State.

果敢军主要由来自掸邦北部果敢地区的汉族人组成，是由三个少数民族武装组织组成的兄弟联盟的重要成员，该联盟在2023年和2024年发动了大规模的反政府攻势，成功占领了掸邦北部的大片地区。

Historically backed by China, the group has been focusing on its own strategic and economic interests since early this year after striking a ceasefire with the Myanmar regime. Rooted in their strong Chinese identity, Kokang communities have long leveraged cultural and ethnic ties with China to gain political, economic and social benefits.

该组织历来得到中国的支持，自今年年初与缅甸政权达成停火协议以来，该组织一直专注于自己的战略和经济利益。果敢社区植根于强烈的中国认同，长期以来一直利用与中国的文化和民族联系来获得政治、经济和社会利益。

From strategic junction to Chinese-funded trade hub

◆从战略枢纽到中国投资的贸易中心

Long considered a vital junction in northern Shan due to its proximity to key trade routes and fertile agricultural land, Hsenwi now sits at the heart of a Chinese-driven redevelopment project. Since early this year, Chinese entrepreneurs have streamed in, leasing homes, opening businesses and establishing farmland operations. Locals say these changes began almost immediately after the conflict ended.

由于靠近主要的贸易路线和肥沃的农业用地，木邦一直被认为是掸邦北部的重要枢纽，现在木邦位于中国推动的重建项目的中心。自今年年初以来，中国企业家蜂拥而至，他们租赁房屋、开办企业、经营农田。当地人表示，这些变化几乎是在冲突结束后立即开始的。

Hsenwi’s strategic location—linking key border trade hubs like Muse and Chinshwehaw—positions it at the heart of China’s overland ambitions. It serves as a critical node within the China-Myanmar Economic Corridor, a flagship component of Beijing’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).

木邦的战略位置——连接木姐和清水河（编者注：掸北主要口岸）等重要的边境贸易中心——将其置于中国陆路野心的中心。它是中缅经济走廊的关键节点，是北京“一带一路”倡议的旗舰组成部分。

Following the 2021 coup, China launched the Yunnan-Myanmar (Yangon)-Indian Ocean Transport Corridor, a multimodal route integrating sea, rail and road to connect landlocked Yunnan Province with Southeast Asian markets. Once fully operational, this route would enable goods from Singapore to reach central China in just 72 hours via Yangon, Mandalay, Lashio, Hsenwi and Chinshwehaw in the Kokang Self-Administered Zone. Chinese investment along this corridor has significantly elevated Hsenwi’s geopolitical and commercial relevance.

2021年政变后，中国启动了云南-缅甸（仰光）-印度洋运输走廊，这是一条集海、铁、路为一体的多式联运路线，将内陆省份云南与东南亚市场连接起来。一旦全面投入运营，这条路线将使新加坡的货物在72小时内通过仰光、曼德勒、腊戍、木邦和果敢自治区的清水河到达中国中部。中国在这条走廊上的投资大大提升了木邦的地缘政治和商业重要性。

Occupied homes, demolished institutions

◆被占用的房屋，被拆除的机构

The Myanmar National Truth and Justice Party, the political wing of the MNDAA, convenes its 2nd Congress on June 27, 2025, in Laukkai, the capital of Special Region 1. / The Kokang

缅甸民族正义党（MNDAA的政治派别）于2025年6月27日在第1特区首府老街召开第二次代表大会。/果敢

Following the MNDAA takeover, many residents fled. In their absence, Chinese investors quickly occupied homes and government buildings. Locals allege that MNDAA authorities leased out seized township offices, administrative branches and fire stations to businesspeople who have since demolished older structures to build high-rise complexes.

在MNDAA接管之后，许多居民逃离了。在他们缺席的情况下，中国投资者迅速占领了住宅和政府大楼。当地人声称，民建局将没收的乡镇办公室、行政部门和消防站出租给商人，这些商人后来拆除了旧建筑，建造高层建筑群。

“They’re replacing everything,” one resident said via WeChat. “People who fled haven’t returned, but their homes are already occupied.”

“他们正在更换一切，”一位居民通过微信表示。“逃离的人还没有回来，但他们的家已经被占领了。”

Monthly rent in Hsenwi now ranges from 1,900 to 19,000 yuan (US$264 to $2,640), depending on location and property type. Pharmacies, wholesale shops and restaurants serving Chinese clientele now dominate the town center. The original Hsenwi market—bombed by junta aircraft in July 2024—was permanently closed by the MNDAA in April 2025 and relocated to a nearby village.

目前，木邦的月租金在1900元（人民币）至19000元（264美元至2640美元）之间，具体取决于地理位置和房产类型。为中国顾客服务的药店、批发商店和餐馆现在占据了镇中心。最初的木邦市场在2024年7月被军政府飞机轰炸，并于2025年4月被MNDAA永久关闭，并搬迁到附近的一个村庄。

Protests against the closure were swiftly suppressed, with several protesters detained. Some remain missing, according to a local civil society organization worker in northern Shan who tracks foreign investment.

反对关闭的抗议活动很快被镇压，几名抗议者被拘留。据掸邦北部一位跟踪外国投资的当地民间社会组织工作人员说，一些人仍然失踪。

Farmland under Chinese control

◆中国控制的农田

A representative of the MNDAA responsible for Hsenwi’s administration holds a meeting with residents on May 29, 2025. / The Kokang

2025年5月29日，负责木邦管理的MNDAA代表与居民举行会议。/果敢

Hsenwi Township spans over 40,000 acres (16,187 hectares), with around 17,000 acres dedicated to paddy each year, according to the Myanmar Information Management Unit. Locals now report a significant increase in land leased to Chinese nationals for commercial farming of sugarcane, pineapple and spiced gourd.

根据缅甸信息管理单位的数据，木邦县占地超过4万英亩（16187公顷），每年约有1.7万英亩用于种植水稻。当地人现在报告说，租给中国公民用于甘蔗、菠萝和香瓜商业种植的土地大幅增加。

Despite Myanmar’s legal restrictions on foreign land ownership, these leases continue to proliferate—some temporary, others appearing to be permanent. Chinese-licensed vehicles now enter the town daily from multiple border crossings, fueling concerns over unchecked migration and environmental degradation.

尽管缅甸对外国土地所有权有法律限制，但这些租约仍在继续增加——有些是临时的，有些似乎是永久的。有中国牌照的车辆现在每天都从多个边境口岸进入这座城市，这加剧了人们对不受控制的移民和环境恶化的担忧。

A six-story commercial complex, built by Chinese investors, is currently replacing the demolished Hsenwi market.

一座由中国投资者建造的六层商业综合体目前正在取代已被拆除的木邦市场。

Changing demographics and power structures

◆人口结构和权力结构的变化

Hsenwi’s population exceeds 60,000, with roughly half being Shan and the remainder comprising Chinese, Kachin and some Burmese. Locals report that the ethnic Chinese population is rapidly increasing.

木邦的人口超过6万，其中大约一半是掸族，其余包括中国人、克钦人和一些缅甸人。当地人报告说，华人人口正在迅速增加。

“There are signs that Hsenwi is no longer our town,” said a local Shan woman. “It’s changing in ways we don’t recognize.”

一位当地的掸族妇女说：“有迹象表明，木邦不再是我们的城镇了。”“它正在以我们不认识的方式发生变化。”

On its official propaganda outlet, The Kokang Facebook page, the MNDAA frequently highlights development initiatives in Hsenwi, emphasizing its growing importance as a focal point of regional transformation. Among the featured efforts are educational programs, particularly the launch of Chinese language courses in Hsenwi, which appear regularly in their updates. These programs reflect the region’s growing cultural and economic ties with China and are portrayed as part of a broader effort to promote local development, enhance human capital and strengthen cross-border connections.

在果敢的官方宣传网站“果敢Facebook”页面上，果敢发展局经常强调果敢的发展倡议，强调果敢作为区域转型焦点的重要性日益增强。其中的特色工作是教育项目，特别是在木邦推出的中文课程，这些课程定期出现在他们的更新中。这些项目反映了该地区与中国日益增长的文化和经济联系，并被描绘为促进当地发展、增强人力资本和加强跨境联系的更广泛努力的一部分。

Before the MNDAA’s occupation, Hsenwi was linguistically diverse. Shan was the dominant language, while Burmese served as a common medium for administration and interethnic communication. Wa, Kachin and Lahu were spoken in surrounding communities. Chinese—mainly Yunnanese dialects—was used by some traders and Kokang families but was less prominent in daily life.

在MNDAA占领之前，木邦的语言多种多样。掸语是主要语言，而缅甸语则是管理和民族间交流的通用语言。佤族、克钦族和拉祜族在周边社区使用。汉语（主要是云南方言）被一些商人和果敢家庭使用，但在日常生活中不太重要（编者注：汉语是掸邦的主要语言，包括佤邦等教科书教育语言是汉语）。

Laukkai’s residency-for-investment scheme

◆老街的“以居换投资”计划

North of Hsenwi, in Laukkai, the capital of the Kokang Self-Administered Zone, the MNDAA has expanded its approach. Since its ceasefire with the junta in January 2025, the group has launched a reconstruction campaign offering permanent residency to Chinese and foreign investors who contribute at least 500,000 yuan. In return, applicants receive land plots and long-term residency status.

在果敢自治区首府老街（Laukkai）以北的木邦（Hsenwi）， MNDAA扩大了其做法。自2025年1月与军政府停火以来，该组织发起了一项重建运动，向出资至少50万元人民币的中外投资者提供永久居留权。作为回报，申请人将获得土地和长期居留身份。

Other eligible groups include long-term residents with clean records, MNDAA officials with over three years of service, and technical personnel with at least two years’ experience. All labor migrants must register and purchase residence cards. Those without documentation risk detention and deportation.

其他符合条件的群体包括无犯罪记录的长期居民，服役三年以上的MNDAA官员，以及至少有两年工作经验的技术人员。所有外来务工人员必须登记并购买居住证。没有证件的人面临被拘留和驱逐出境的风险。

Land grabs and economic displacement

◆土地掠夺和经济流离失所

MNDAA representatives take part in the opening ceremony of the Hsenwi Central Market in Panlaw Village. / The Kokang

市建局代表在潘罗村参加木邦中央市场的开幕仪式。/果敢

In areas between Lashio and Kunlong under MNDAA control, local farmers are under pressure to lease their land to Chinese sugarcane investors, often at below-market rates. Some report being offered just 180,000 kyats per acre (approx. $88), with threats of land seizure if they refuse. In certain regions like Mongpaw, the going rate is around 1,200-1,250 yuan per acre, particularly when payment is made in advance.

在农业部控制的腊戌和滚弄县之间的地区，当地农民面临着将土地租给中国甘蔗投资者的压力，租价往往低于市场水平。一些人报告说，每英亩的价格只有18万缅元（约合人民币488万元）。88美元)，如果他们拒绝，就会被威胁没收土地。在像蒙爪这样的某些地区，现行价格约为每英亩人民币1,200-1,250元，尤其是在提前付款的情况下。

Sugarcane—particularly from Kokang—is one of northern Shan State’s major exports to China’s Yunnan Province. Driven by domestic supply shortages and expanding ethanol production, Yunnan’s growing demand for sugarcane has made Myanmar an increasingly attractive supplier. Chinese buyers often purchase raw sugarcane directly from plantations in northern Shan, where the favorable climate and proximity to the border make cross-border logistics efficient.

甘蔗——尤其是果敢产的——是掸邦北部向中国云南省出口的主要产品之一。在国内供应短缺和乙醇生产不断扩大的推动下，云南对甘蔗的需求不断增长，使缅甸成为一个越来越有吸引力的供应国。中国买家经常直接从掸邦北部的种植园购买生甘蔗，那里气候宜人，靠近边境，跨境物流效率很高。

Locals say the rapid expansion of sugarcane plantations—encouraged by the MNDAA—has severely disrupted traditional grazing lands. Farmers now face fines of 3 yuan if their livestock eat sugarcane and 500 kyats per hoofprint left in the fields. Business ownership in MNDAA-controlled zones has increasingly shifted toward Chinese nationals, who are driving this shift in agriculture. With high yields of over 30 tons per acre, sugarcane has become a lucrative crop, but not for local farmers, many of whom are losing access to their land.

当地人说，在mndaa的鼓励下，甘蔗种植园的迅速扩张严重破坏了传统的牧场。现在，如果他们的牲畜吃了甘蔗，农民将面临3元的罚款，每留下一个蹄印，农民将面临500缅元的罚款。在mndaa控制的地区，企业所有权越来越多地向中国人转移，他们正在推动农业领域的这种转变。每英亩产量超过30吨，甘蔗已成为一种利润丰厚的作物，但对当地农民来说并非如此，他们中的许多人正在失去土地。（编者注：甘蔗是中国政府扶助该区域，取代鸦片种植的经济作物，对甘蔗包购包销，不种甘蔗种鸦片？）

Priced out of their homeland

◆被逐出家园

Peng Deren, secretary-general of the Myanmar National Truth and Justice Party, joins the party’s 2nd Congress on June 27, 2025, in Laukkai, the capital of Special Region 1. / The Kokang

2025年6月27日，缅甸民族正义党秘书长彭德仁在缅甸第一特区首府老街参加该党第二次代表大会。/果敢

The MNDAA frames its policies as vital for post-war progress, highlighting economic growth as key to achieving lasting peace and development in the region, according to statements made on The Kokang. However, critics argue that the group now functions as a quasi-state landlord, trading access and land rights to foreign interests with little accountability.

根据在果敢会议上发表的声明，MNDAA将其政策定义为战后发展的关键，强调经济增长是实现该地区持久和平与发展的关键。然而，批评人士认为，该组织现在扮演着准国有地主的角色，将使用权和土地权交易给外国利益集团，几乎不承担任何责任。

At its 2nd Congress on June 27, 2025, General Secretary Peng Deren reaffirmed the group’s official path: “Peace and Development” paired with a sharp focus on economic expansion. But the fine print reveals a clear direction—Beijing-facing and border-driven.

在2025年6月27日的第二次代表大会上，彭德仁总书记重申了该集团的官方道路：“和平与发展”与经济扩张相结合。但细则显示了一个明确的方向——面向北京、受边界驱动。

The MNDAA’s latest economic blueprint doubles down on a China-centric model, prioritizing cross-border trade, agricultural industrialization and regional integration with Yunnan Province. Investment is pouring into sugarcane processing, mining and logistics—fueling a transformation that is rapid, sweeping and deeply uneven.

MNDAA最新的经济蓝图加倍强调以中国为中心的模式，优先考虑跨境贸易、农业产业化和与云南省的区域一体化。投资正涌入甘蔗加工、采矿和物流领域，推动了一场迅速、全面但极不平衡的转型。

“The economic engine is now Chinese,” said a civil society member in northern Shan who tracks foreign investment.

“现在的经济引擎是中国，”掸邦北部一位跟踪外国投资的公民社会成员表示。

“What’s happening in Laukkai and Hsenwi isn’t just reconstruction—it’s a geopolitical realignment. Locals are being priced out, silenced and replaced.”

“在老街和木邦发生的不仅仅是重建——这是地缘政治的重新调整。当地人正被高价挤出市场、噤声和取代。”

Athena Awn Naw specializes in analyzing ethnic conflict dynamics in Myanmar, focusing on China’s expanding influence across economic sectors. Her expertise includes the socioeconomic impacts of China’s involvement, its role in Myanmar’s armed conflicts and peace processes, and its participation in regional initiatives.

Athena Awn Naw专门分析缅甸的种族冲突动态，关注中国在经济领域不断扩大的影响力。她的专长包括中国参与的社会经济影响，中国在缅甸武装冲突与和平进程中的作用，以及中国在地区倡议中的参与。

作者：Athena Awn Naw         来源：伊洛瓦底江